✪✪✪ Impact Of Gender Inequality In Education
Department of Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System Case Study. Main article: Gender inequality in the United States. As a result, women were said to bear "a double burden" of work during the Heroism In Freak The Mighty era. Men tended to Impact Of Gender Inequality In Education and drink alcohol much more frequently and, hence, were predisposed to all quiet on the western front meaning wider range of health risks, including hypertension and cerebrovascular and cardiovascular diseases. Women and girls in Afghanistan continue Impact Of Gender Inequality In Education face widespread discrimination and human rights abuses.
The state of gender equality in education
The four virtues were "female virtues", "female words", "female appearance" and "female work", designed to fulfill the needs of men and society. Women's desires and needs were trivialized, and education became a tool to maintain male control of women. A woman's personality was also restricted by this education. Women were taught to be weak and subordinate, respecting the men who dominated them. The physical differences between men and women as well were emphasized; men were seen as yang, and women were seen as yin. Yin and yang are the opposite of each other, and women were not allowed to physically interact with men outside of marriage. Women as yin were considered a negative element, reinforcing their inferior status, and were sometimes forbidden from leaving their room to demonstrate their loyalty.
Obedience to men and elder relatives was the essential element of women's education. Women were powerless to resist, since society would not accept women who challenged men. As a socializing agent, women's education played an important role in shaping their image and maintaining their subordinate status for many dynasties. During the planned-economy era of , also known as the Mao Zedong era , the Communist Party sought to make Chinese women legally and socially equal to men. To promote gender equality, the Communist Party promoted the slogan "Women hold up half the sky" to illustrate the importance of women to China's economic success.
In practice, however, wage inequality still existed during this era due to occupational and industrial segregation by gender. As a result, women were said to bear "a double burden" of work during the Mao era. State feminism refers to the state's support of women's equality in the public and work sectors through legislation, often progressive state laws to ensure gender equality. State feminism also enforced laws prohibiting polygamy , the buying and selling of women, arranged marriage and prostitution. Yang stated in her article, "From Gender Erasure to Gender Difference", that state feminism during the Mao era liberated "women from the traditional kinship patriarchy, but although women were catapulted into the public sphere of labour and politics, the feminist agenda was forgotten with the decline of gender salience and women's transformation into state subjects in a new masculine state order".
Gail Hershatter agreed: "The communist revolution didn't change the work women did. Women had always worked. What the revolution changed is the work environment and the social interpretation of working outside of familial context. Changing employment policy was a major part of China's reforms after the Mao era. Reform took place in three stages. Although women gained significantly greater opportunities for work under the economic reform, they have borne a disproportionate share of its costs. Since the economic reforms, the average real earnings of male professional workers have grown by percent. The greatest and broadest increases in the wage gap occurred during the late s, as the labour market shifted from an administratively-regulated wage system to a market-oriented one.
Introduced in , China's one-child policy set a limit on the number of children parents could have. Because parents preferred sons, the incidence of sex-selective abortions and female infanticide substantially increased. Gender-based wage stratification has become a major issue in post-reform China. A study found that women are paid These statistics are in line with previous findings; a wage survey found that women earned Since women have limited opportunity to develop the education or skills necessary to obtain higher-level jobs, they are often paid less for their work;  female entrepreneurs are denied access to the networking opportunities of their male counterparts. Educational background and profession have been identified as two main factors of an increased gender wage gap,  and regional impacts have been recognized as a major cause of the increasing wage inequality.
The high end of most sectors is still male-dominated, and business events often include the sexual objectification of women. In Chinese business culture, deals and partnerships are made through evenings of banqueting, going to KTV bars and drinking. A main factor in the Hong Kong gender wage gap is age. More men achieve superior positions in a job because women leave the job market earlier to take care of their family.
Men remain in the job market longer, allowing for more raises and better jobs. Feminization of informal sector employment and devaluation of female-dominated occupations are two new labor-market trends since China's economic reforms. During the early s, an increase in the number of female employees in the sales and service industries was accompanied by a reduction in the average income of these sectors.
Data from the same time period indicates an inverse relationship between the proportion of women employed at an institution and the average wage of the institution's employees. The "beauty economy" refers to companies using attractive young women to increase profits. During the state-owned enterprise SOE reforms of the late s, women were laid off in greater numbers and received larger pay cuts than men. Since women occupied a high proportion of secondary jobs, they were the first to be laid off during the economic downturn; women were also forced to retire at a younger age than men. The government-mandated retirement age for women was generally five years younger than that for men, but internal retirement ages determined by individual enterprises were even lower for women.
Enterprises which laid off the most workers had performed poorly and were unable to survive in the new market economy; they also employed a larger proportion of women than men. When the companies went under, larger numbers of women than men were unemployed. During the market-oriented reforms, there was widespread evidence of employment discrimination in hiring.
Contemporary China has three general types of gender-based hiring discrimination. Gender restrictions on careers and jobs create an environment where women are only welcomed into careers which match traditional female roles: primarily domestic, secretarial, or factory work. Foreign direct investment FDI has significantly impacted employment in China. The number of employees hired by foreign direct investment enterprises in the country's urban areas increased steadily from to ; between and , the number of employees hired by FDI enterprises in urban China increased by 5.
A considerable number of foreign-invested enterprises are based in labor-intensive industries such as the garment industry, electronics manufacturing, and the food and beverage processing industry. FDI has disproportionately affected women, who frequently hold low-skill, low-paying factory jobs funded by foreign investment. Confucianism provided a framework which judged individuals by their faithfulness and adherence to social norms dictated by ancient customs. Correspondingly, women were valued based on their conduct as wives, mothers and daughters. During the late 12th century, neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi advocated the "three bonds" between ruler and subject, father and son, and husband and wife.
In Confucian Chinese culture, women's identities were often oppressed; the deeply-rooted Confucian teachings which shaped Chinese culture and values reinforced a patriarchal family unit that devalued women. A daughter was seen as a temporary member of her father's side of the family, since she would leave the family at marriage. This notion of family abandonment is reflected in Magarey Wolf's statement in "Uterine Families and the Women's Community" that "when a young woman marries, her formal ties with the household of her father are severed For Chinese women, discovering personhood and kinship is challenging because Confucian culture can be an obstacle.
It is rare in Chinese society to challenge the idea of women sacrificing their professional career, because Chinese society has a "relative[ly] ambiguous boundary between public and private spheres". A women's sense of self in Chinese society includes her husband, her inner circle and her family by marriage, broadening and complicating her definition of personhood. Women's dedication and sacrifices are justified by a societal norms and a Confucian culture which increase female subordination. According to Chinese anthropologist Fei Xiaotong , "Sacrificing the family for one's own interests, or the lineage for the interests of one's household, is in reality a formula, with this formula, it is impossible to prove that someone is acting selfishly".
Male selfishness is justified by the differential mode of association which "drives out social consciousness ". Women face significant pressures from their families during their mid- to late twenties to quit working and get married. In rural northwestern China, some mothers still consider education less important for their daughters since they are expected to marry and leave home.
The COVID crisis is a systemic human development crisis, compounding risks to progress towards gender equality. The pandemic and its consequences hit a world wealthier than ever but facing deep divides in human development. Some of the consequences of COVID have had a greater impact on some countries and groups within countries, as pre-existing horizontal inequalities can magnify the effects of the crisis. Across several social, economic, and political dimensions, women and girls are disproportionately affected by the crisis simply because of their sex. Gender differences in social determinants of health and illness Social factors, such as the degree to which women are excluded from schooling, or from participation in public life, affect their knowledge about health problems and how to prevent and treat them.
Gender differences in economic determinants of health and illness Productive labour is usually defined as labour performed outside the household in income-generating employment; reproductive labour includes work done within the household, such as food preparation, childcare, housework, care of livestock and kitchen gardens. Gender differences in biological determinants of health and illness The gender differences in the biological determinants of health and illness include differential genetic vulnerability to illness, reproductive and hormonal factors, and differences in physiological characteristics during the life-cycle. Gender differences in consequences of health and illness This section reviews research on how gender affects the social, economic and biological consequences of health and illness, focusing on three non-communicable diseases or conditions: diabetes for social consequences, domestic violence for economic consequences, and occupational health for biological consequences.
Gender differences in social consequences of health and illness The gender differences in the social consequences of health and illness include how illness affects men and women, including health-seeking behaviour, the availability of support networks, and the stigma associated with illness and disease. Gender differences in the economic consequences of illness The gender differences in the economic consequences of illness include how work of men and women is affected by illness, such as availability of substitute labour, opportunity costs of health-related actions, available income, and the impact of economic policies. Gender differences in biological consequences of illness Generally, men are more vulnerable to major life-threatening chronic diseases, including coronary heart disease, cancer, cerebrovascular disease, emphysema, cirrhosis of the liver, kidney disease, and atherosclerosis.
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