✍️✍️✍️ Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper

Monday, November 22, 2021 2:15:01 AM

Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper



She was why is pop art called pop art of the two Difference Between Race And Ethnicity African-American female volunteers in the Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper of the war-torn Spanish Republican areas. But in any case, he had the same attitude with Plantar Fasciitis king. And that is basically what they did. Religion Institutions Black church. DEC introduced a mid-range computing solution, the minicomputer, at larry silverstein conspiracy time when the alternative was too bulky and costly Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper most people. Email address. This section's use of external links may not Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper Wikipedia's Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper Clinica La Font Research Paper Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper. Army Air Corps:. NAID contains name and subject indexes, as well as other finding aids for Child Labour In Canada records.

World War 1 Graphic Footage

Other computer companies began to make moves for the flailing DEC. That day came in when Hewlett-Packard acquired Compaq. First, because it left such a lasting imprint on computing as we continue to know it, whether it was its contributions to computers, software, microchips, or even the internet itself. Almost unanimously, they supported the theory—also commonly held by experts—that the failure of the company ultimately fell to the leaders who were unable to foresee what was coming in personal computing and were not able to take decisive or quick enough action in time to save the company. It was the inflexibility of the business model they had so long relied upon:.

The technology trapped in a high-cost business model had no impact on the world, and in fact, the world ultimately killed Digital. But IBM Corp. Regardless of why it happened or how the leadership behind DEC allowed it to happen, the legacy of this company will live on as it was willing to step up and introduce affordable and powerful computing solutions during a time when others were too afraid to. Written by Brenda Barron Updated April 9, Digital paper tape, circa s In addition to its extensive lines of minicomputers, it also became involved with software as well as the internet in the very, very early days of the internet.

Altavista in CC BY 2. What Is the Lesson Here? And his evidence was published and put forward and there were screeds of stories after stories. The campaign had its intended effect. Unsurprisingly, the very real atrocities that the Germans had committed in Belgium—the burning of Louvain, Andenne and Dinant, for example—were overshadowed by the sensationalist and completely unverifiable stories of babies on bayonets and other acts of villainy. We can no longer remain neutral spectators. Our action in this crisis will determine the part we will play when peace is made, and how far we may influence a settlement for the lasting good of humanity.

We are being weighed in the balance, and our position amongst nations is being assessed by mankind. But despite this all-out propaganda assault, the American public was still largely against entering the war. The bankers left nothing to chance. Morgan and Company and the Baptist Bible class that he led boasted many wealthy and influential members, including John D. Rockefeller, Jr. On the contrary, he was a cold fish. He had dubious links with several of those who were powerful in Wall Street. In my opinion, it would be a world-wide calamity if the war should continue to a point where the Allies could not, with the aid of the United States, bring about a peace along the lines you and I have so often discussed. I would not let Berlin know, of course, of any understanding had with the Allies, but would rather lead them to think our proposal would be rejected by the Allies.

This might induce Berlin to accept the proposal, but, if they did not do so, it would nevertheless be the purpose to intervene. The negotiations for this plan continued throughout the fall of and winter of In the end, the British government balked at the proposal because the thought that the Germans might actually accept peace—even a peace of disarmament brokered by the US—was not enough. They wanted to crush Germany completely and nothing less than total defeat would be sufficient.

Another pretense would have to be manufactured to embroil the US in the war. The history books of the period, following the familiar pattern of downplaying Allied provocations and focusing only on the German reactions, highlight the German policy of unrestricted submarine warfare which led to the downing of the Lusitania. The practice, which called for German U-boats to attack merchant ships on sight, was in contravention of the international rules of the sea at the time, and was widely abhorred as barbaric. At the outbreak of war in , the British had used their position of naval superiority to begin a blockade of Germany. More to the point, as an attempt to starve an entire country into submission, it was a crime against humanity.

Eventually reduced to a starvation diet of 1, calories a day, tuberculosis, rickets, edema and other maladies began to prey on those Germans who did not succumb to hunger. By the end of the war the National Health Office in Berlin calculated that , people had died as a direct result of the blockade. Perversely, the blockade did not end with the war. The German government is to be held strictly accountable for the death of any Americans on the high seas regardless of circumstances. The British, as you know, take your merchant ships off the high seas on the way to Rotterdam because they say anything that goes to Rotterdam is going to go to Germany, so they take American ships off the high seas.

The British have put cotton—cotton! The British are imposing in many ways on Americans. This was not to be the case, and the attitude of the Americans towards British violations of neutral rights were quite different. The British were never held to the same standard as the Germans. And people like Roosevelt and Wilson begin talking in a very unfortunate way. And this diplomatic negotiation, the exchange of memos, goes on for the next few years. In January of , the Americans, not having been able to budge the British in the least on any British violation of American rights; the British blockade intensifying; the Germans really feeling hunger in a very literal sense, especially the people on the on the home front; the Kaiser is persuaded by his Admirals and Generals to begin unrestricted submarine warfare around the British Isles.

The American position by this time had solidified, had become a totally rigid one, and when all is said and done, when you go through all of the back-and-forth memoranda and notes and principles established, the United States went to war against Germany in for the right of Americans to travel in armed belligerent merchant ships carrying munitions through war zones. Shall I repeat that? Armed belligerent—that is to say, English—armed English merchant ships carrying munitions could not be fired upon by the Germans as long as there were American citizens on board.

And it was for the right of Americans to go into the war zone on such vessels that we finally went to war. After months of deliberations and with the situation on the home front becoming increasingly desperate, the German military commanders decided to resume their unrestricted submarine warfare in As expected, US merchant ships were sunk, including four ships in late March alone. On April 2, , Woodrow Wilson made his historic speech calling for Congress to declare war on Germany and commit US troops to European battlefields for the first time. The speech, made over one hundred years ago by and for a world that has long since passed away, still resonates with us today.

Embedded within it is the rhetoric of warfare that has been employed by president after president, prime minister after prime minister, in country after country and war after war right down to the current day. From it comes many of the phrases that we still recognize today as the language of lofty ideals and noble causes that always accompany the most bloody and ignoble wars. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States.

The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.

Hindsight or cynicism might make us smile at the thought that this war was sometimes called That Great Adventure. Never again would we see our entry into a major conflict excite so many to such heights of elation. But here was a generation of young men not yet saturated by the paralyzing variety of self-analysis and the mock sciences. They believed! House, the Milner Group, the Pilgrims, the Wall Street financiers and all of those who had worked so diligently for so many years to bring Uncle Sam into war had got their wish.

And before the war was over, millions more casualties would pile up. Carnage the likes of which the world had never seen before had been fully unleashed. The trenches and the shelling. The starvation and the destruction. The carving up of empires and the eradication of an entire generation of young men. For so long we have been told non-answers about incompetent generals and ignorant politicians. But, now that the players who worked to set the stage for this carnage have been unmasked, these questions can finally be answered. A week of rain, wind and heavy fog along the Western Front finally breaks, and for a moment there is silence in the hills north of Verdun.

That silence is broken at AM when the Germans launch an artillery barrage heralding the start of the largest battle the world had ever seen. Thousands of projectiles are flying in all directions, some whistling, others howling, others moaning low, and all uniting in one infernal roar. From time to time an aerial torpedo passes, making a noise like a gigantic motor car. With a tremendous thud a giant shell bursts quite close to our observation post, breaking the telephone wire and interrupting all communication with our batteries.

A man gets out at once for repairs, crawling along on his stomach through all this place of bursting mines and shells. It seems quite impossible that he should escape in the rain of shell, which exceeds anything imaginable; there has never been such a bombardment in war. Our man seems to be enveloped in explosions, and shelters himself from time to time in the shell craters which honeycomb the ground; finally he reaches a less stormy spot, mends his wires, and then, as it would be madness to try to return, settles down in a big crater and waits for the storm to pass. Beyond, in the valley, dark masses are moving over the snow-covered ground. It is the German infantry advancing in packed formation along the valley of the attack.

They look like a big gray carpet being unrolled over the country. We telephone through to the batteries and the ball begins. The sight is hellish. In the distance, in the valley and upon the slopes, regiments spread out, and as they deploy fresh troops come pouring in. There is a whistle over our heads. It is our first shell. It falls right in the middle of the enemy infantry. We telephone through, telling our batteries of their hit, and a deluge of heavy shells is poured on the enemy.

Their position becomes critical. Through glasses we can see men maddened, men covered with earth and blood, falling one upon the other. When the first wave of the assault is decimated, the ground is dotted with heaps of corpses, but the second wave is already pressing on. The opening salvo of that artillery barrage alone—involving 1, guns of all sizes—dropped a staggering 2. By the time the battle finished 10 months later, a million casualties lay in its wake. A million stories of routine bravery, like that of the French communications officer.

And Verdun was far from the only sign that the stately, sanitized version of 19th century warfare was a thing of the past. Similar carnage played out at the Somme and Gallipoli and Vimy Ridge and Galicia and a hundred other battlefields. Time and again, the generals threw their men into meat grinders, and time and again the dead bodies lay strewn on the other side of that slaughter. The simplest explanation is that the mechanization of 20th century armies had changed the logic of warfare itself.

In this reading of history, the horrors of World War One were the result of the logic dictated by the technology with which it was fought. It was the logic of the siege guns that bombarded the enemy from over kilometres away. It was the logic of the poison gas, spearheaded by Bayer and their School for Chemical Warfare in Leverkusen. It was the logic of the tank, the airplane, the machine gun and all of the other mechanized implements of destruction that made mass slaughter a mundane fact of warfare.

But this is only a partial answer. Like that unimaginable artillery assault at Verdun, the First World War tore apart all the verities of the Old World, leaving a smouldering wasteland in its wake. For the would-be engineers of society, war—with all of its attendant horrors—was the easiest way to demolish the old traditions and beliefs that lay between them and their goals. This was recognized early on by Cecil Rhodes and his original clique of co-conspirators. Many others became willing participants in that conspiracy because they, too, could profit from the destruction and the bloodshed. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious.

It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes. In the World War [One] a mere handful garnered the profits of the conflict. At least 21, new millionaires and billionaires were made in the United States during the World War.

That many admitted their huge blood gains in their income tax returns. How many other war millionaires falsified their tax returns no one knows. How many of these war millionaires shouldered a rifle? How many of them dug a trench? How many of them knew what it meant to go hungry in a rat-infested dug-out? How many of them spent sleepless, frightened nights, ducking shells and shrapnel and machine gun bullets? How many of them parried a bayonet thrust of an enemy?

How many of them were wounded or killed in battle? As the most decorated Marine in the history of the United States at the time of his death, Smedley Butler knew of what he spoke. Indeed, the war profiteering on Wall Street started even before America joined the war. Although, as J. From the very start we did everything we could to contribute to the cause of the Allies. John Pierpont Morgan himself died in —before the passage of the Federal Reserve Act he had stewarded into existence and before the outbreak of war in Europe—but the House of Morgan stood strong, with the Morgan bank under the helm of his son, John Pierpont Morgan, Jr.

Similar arrangements with the French, Russian, Italian, and Canadian governments saw the bank broker billions more in supplies for the Allied war effort. But this game of war financing was not without its risks. If the Allied powers were to lose the war, the Morgan bank and the other major Wall Street banks would lose the interest on all of the credit they had extended to them. By , the situation was dire. America was so deeply involved in that war financing. There was so much money which could only really be repaid as long as Britain and France won. So America was deeply involved. Not the people, as is ever the case. Not the ordinary citizen who cares. But the financial establishment who had, if you like, treated the entire thing as they might a casino and put all the money on one end of the board and it had to come good for them.

So all of this is going on. Morgans, your great bankers, your Rockefellers, by the multi-multimillionaires who emerged from that war. Because they were the ones who made the profits, not those who lost their sons, lost their grandsons, whose lives were ruined forever by war. After America officially entered the war, the good times for the Wall Street bankers got even better. With war hysteria at its height, Baruch and the fellow Wall Street financiers and industrialists who populated the board were given unprecedented powers over manufacture and production throughout the American economy, including the ability to set quotas, fix prices, standardize products, and, as a subsequent congressional investigation showed, pad costs so that the true size of the fortunes that the war profiteers extracted from the blood of the dead soldiers was hidden from the public.

The extent of government intervention in the economy would have been unthinkable just a few years before. The National War Labor Board was set up to mediate labor disputes. It should, therefore, be possible to trace and confirm that an individual served in the First World War from the medal records. The records of the issue of medals and awards were not damaged by enemy bombing in the Second World War, as was the case for the Service Records. The information recording every individual and their eligibility for a campaign medal and gallantry award are contained in the Medal Rolls.

It should, therefore, be possible to trace details for an individual who served in the First World War from the surviving medal records. The Medal Rolls were created as lists of those individuals entitled to one or more campaign medals. The Medal Rolls list individuals by the military unit they were serving with at the time of their entitlement. If you do not know which military unit the individual you are reseaching was serving with, it is advisable to consult the indeces for the Medal Rolls first.

This should be the best way of confirming the unit or units in many cases, with which an individual saw service in the First World War. The indeces are formed by the Medal Index Cards. During the late part of the First World War the Army Medal Office began a system of making out an index card for each individual. This was done to create a record of every person's collective entitlement to campaign medals and gallantry medals.

Each card was created by compiling the data from the existing Medal Rolls. In the event of the individual's entitlement to an additional medal, the card would be added to as appropriate. A Medal Index Card may include the following information.

Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper he did come from a politically connected family in the South that were doing business with the British during the Civil Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper. The Lusitania was not an innocent passenger liner but an armed merchant cruiser officially listed by the British Admiralty as an auxiliary war ship. Martin Luther King Jr. At least 5, African-American soldiers Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper as Revolutionaries, and at least 20, served Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper the British. Army Center of Russian Culture Vs American Culture History. DEC identified a demand for more affordable and high-performing Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper systems that could be used in scientific Ww1 Unit 1 Research Paper and other technological settings.

Web hosting by Somee.com