✍️✍️✍️ What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary

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What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary



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Secondly, Open RAN will inevitably introduce a new range of security issues, rather than solving those of the past. EU policymakers need to ask whether the legal risks of foreign-made base stations overshadows the omnipresent threat of software and integration vulnerabilities in Open RAN, many developed by small yet dominant firms whose ownership are yet to be clarified. Similarly, only a small group of companies will be able to comply with the common security requirement compliant under the O-RAN Alliance specifications. The telecom carriers depend on their ability to scale revenues from users while driving down both variable costs e. Due to the modest average revenue per user ARPU in Europe compared to other, more technology-embracing, regions , with the higher cost of associated with building stand-alone 5G networks Release 16 despite their shorter range, 5G networks is not always a lucrative investment for European network operators.

However, such discussions seem to be limited to Europe. The cost question is surprisingly absent in other markets where RAN vendors have been excluded on markets such as the US, China, Japan, Korea where at least one or two foreign vendors have been de facto absent. Even in smaller developing countries like Vietnam, much smaller and less resourceful operators have decided to replace some vendors. There are also new market entrants like Samsung also followed by Japanese competitors like NEC or Fujitsu who have already made inroads into the US market, [2] and could increase their market presence in Europe. In China, minor Chinese companies such as Datang Telecom Group always held a corner of the local market. Here is where Open RAN technology does not just promise new vendors — but also to significantly drives costs down through the use of commercial off-the-shelf COTS parts made for the PC industry.

However, COTS may not yet replace customised chipsets in critical low-latency applications. So far, Intel-based are unable to compete performance-wise with customised chipsets and other electronics in the proprietary baseband units by Ericsson, Huawei, Nokia and Samsung with processors that are designed specifically for their tasks. Meanwhile, high-end suppliers like Apple have abandoned Intel x86 chipsets that have failed to deliver efficiencies it needs for its high-end devices.

There are, however, several outstanding questions. Firstly, it is unclear how much a European network operator will save on the bottom line and total cost of ownership TCO of a network. The operators must either build up inhouse engineering capabilities or contract a system integrator who will do it for them. From the perspective of corporate finance, it is a transformation of hardware investments i.

As of today, EU operators already find it too costly to comply with monoculture bans that require them to diversify into just two RAN equipment vendors in addition to all other vendors. If maintaining two traditional RAN suppliers within a country is too costly and complicated for them, it is difficult to see EU operators embrace Open RAN with dozens of suppliers per site. Previous two sections draw on the concern amongst EU carriers that the supplier market evolves into a duopoly if new national security rules exclude high-risk vendors from the market.

But are there real concerns for market concentration and dominant behaviour by the remaining vendors on the equipment market? It is indeed true that the mobile network equipment market has been characterised by market consolidation — which often but not always translate into more concentration. Duty-free trade and the absence of regulatory barriers have unleashed unprecedented economies of scale. Surprisingly, despite a complete absence of market entry barriers and close synergies with adjacent segments, only a couple of suppliers have decided to enter the RAN market, post -Huawei.

Network equipment does seem like not an industry for rational people with other, alternative investment opportunities. The telecom equipment market, given its high concentration of buyers amongst operators, is a market characterised by monopsonistic competition. In other words, there is a higher market concentration amongst the buyers than sellers. In all of the EU markets, there is a market dominance exercised by an incumbent player that is usually a former monopolist. Operators are also allowed to engage in different models of collusion.

In the EU Member States, they form joint ventures with competitors to pool their procurement and management of their network infrastructure. In China, state-owned operators buy all their equipment jointly through a state-owned contracting agency to exercise price pressure. Evidence from European markets overwhelming shows that buyers, rather than sellers, set the market prices. The number of vendors plays a lesser role in market prices compared to the relative power between buyers and sellers.

As long as the market entry barriers stay low, there will be enough pressure on hardware suppliers to offer competitive prices, which is also evident from the low profit margins that plague the industry. Antitrust investigations typically illustrate market concentration through the Herfindahl-Hirschman index HHI , [1] which measures the market concentration on a continuous scale between 0 and 1, where 0.

Across all major world markets, telecom operators are either equally or more concentrated than the equipment vendors, indicating the monopsonic relationship. The relative strength of the buyers is even more pronounced in reality, as the data on operators do not capture joint ventures or pooled procurement. In particular, the EU national telecom markets are far more concentrated when they act like buyers against vendors rather than as service suppliers. Also, market concentration is distinctively higher for operators compared to equipment manufacturers in Europe than elsewhere. In France, for example, the market concentration on the operator market is equivalent to the level of a duopoly, nearly twice the levels of the vendor market.

In the US and China, the buyers and sellers are on an equal footing as one large vendor — Huawei and Ericsson respectively — holds nearly half the market. Whereas the debate overly focus on the number of sellers on a market, a more significant determinant on market power is how their market shares are distributed. A scenario experiment where all Chinese vendor leave the European market entirely proves the point. In the following scenario, two vendors are assumed to be designed as high-risk vendors and leave the RAN market, including LTE and other legacy products.

Their market shares are then distributed proportionately amongst the remaining RAN vendors. Such a scenario results in a marginal increase in market power for the suppliers, a negligible increase of just 0. Exclusion could even result in lower concentration than today, depending on the distribution of these market shares amongst the remaining players. Figure 3: Market concentration after vendor exclusion Recent tenders in China, Belgium, Australia and Canada seem to prove that the relative concentration amongst buyers is more important to force prices down. In addition, if a telecom operator becomes its own supplier through Open RAN by putting together its own solution using subcontractors, it is technically speaking no longer a buyer.

As there are then fewer buyers left on the market, it strengthens the leverage of the remaining buyers even further. What a single RAN multi-vendor implementation allows is first and foremost an alternative industrial organisation where the nature of concentration changes from vertically integrated suppliers to a horizontal and layered market concentration where one dominant supplier controls each step of the value-chain. This structure is similar to the previous organisation of the PC industry with one dominant processor manufacturer, one dominant operating system, one business software suite, etc. In conclusion, the buyers i. Whether the market concentration changes thanks to Open RAN is yet inconclusive.

But the impact is in any case bound to be marginal, given that analysts project Open RAN technology holding less than ten per cent of the 5G NR market. While Open RAN technology may not lead to change market concentration amongst 5G NR vendors significantly, it may more significantly alter the competitive landscape of telecom operators. Under 4G and prior generations, market entry into the EU telecom market required a prohibitively costly and politically sensitive acquisition of an existing European operator. With Open RAN, a market entrant can build a network from scratch, as Rakuten has proven by becoming a 4G LTE network provider with its own Open RAN solution supplemented roaming contracts with existing telecom operators outside their own coverage.

Cloud suppliers with a global consumer footprint, strong brand recognition and experience in physical fulfilment are particularly well placed. For instance — what if Rakuten or Amazon shipped a miniaturised, easy-to-use BBUs, included free with every book purchase? Consumer-facing internet platforms could build 5G networks, and easily turn iCloud, Gmail, or Office accounts into a phone line. Such scenarios require an OTT player either competitively bidding for a 5G spectrum license and sign roaming or MVNO agreements with existing operators with existing operators. The previous section concluded how open source, virtualisation and software-driven functionality are not unique to Open RAN.

There are some long-term and strategic questions at hand with Open RAN and standardisation. Indeed — as a global standard-setting consortium, 3GPP has its drawbacks and challenges. Meanwhile, sharing mobile standards with China is a two-way street. By reducing regional regulatory divergences and national standard-setting — the industry and consumers have benefitted from free trade increasingly void of any standards-related regulatory barriers. The liberalisation has also unleashed the global competition and consolidation that has taken place since.

Thus, the network equipment market has practically little or no market entry barriers. Even the payments for standard-essential patents SEPs are deferred during the development stage. The patent fees are not accrued until the first sale and paid per unit sold. As a result, mobile communication is one of the most adopted technical inventions of the past century, [1] enjoying a wider dissemination than toothbrushes. As the current market conditions are not caused by the 3GPP standardisation, a solution cannot be found through developing alternative technical specifications. In essence, whether Europe should try to sustain one common global umbrella of standards under 3GPP — or see the world balkanise into national or regional standards from 6G and onward — is a dilemma for EU industrial policy.

Despite the transformative potential of Open RAN technology, some proponents are calling for subsidies and mandatory national standards where one particular Open RAN specification is declared a winner. Otherwise, the technology is too costly and risky to invest in. Even assuming that there are some values that most people in the society agree are desirable, there is no clear evidence that these values cannot be effectively transmitted in a family that is headed by a woman.

Although research purports to show that it is children raised without fathers who are disproportionately represented in statistics concerning failure in school, involvement with the criminal justice system and other problems, 47 there has been no proof that it is the presence of fathers that makes the difference between a child's success or failure. A distinction must be drawn between a correlation and causation. Critical variables such as the impact of poverty and family disruption where that is a factor have not been fully accounted for in empirical studies.

Finally, there is a growing body of research that challenges the assumption that children in one-parent households inevitably suffer. Also often overlooked in the family values rhetoric is the obvious fact that the traditional family can also be a site in which negative values can be transmitted. In the current rush to enshrine the nuclear family, it can be forgotten that traditional nuclear families have also been the place where children have seen, learned about, and been the victims of behavior such as domestic violence, sexual abuse and incest. One would think from the focus in the rhetoric and the media on crack addicted single mothers that alcoholism and drug abuse simply do not occur in traditional families. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the assumption that the solution to the problems confronting society today are to be found in the private rather than the public realm is not only unrealistic, it is dangerous.

It is an approach to societal problems that lets the government off of the hook, permitting it to escape responsibility for developing policies to protect and improve the lives of its most vulnerable citizens. An approach that focuses on the family rather than the society as the source of responsibility to address social issues can also have the effect of sanctioning or even promoting racism by encouraging people to feel little compassion or commitment toward those who can be easily regarded as "the other. The language of private relationships and family values. Where family relations become "our only model for defining what emotionally real relationships are like," we can empathize and interact only with the people whom we can imagine as potential lovers or family members.

The choice becomes either a personal relationship or none, a familial intimacy or complete alienation. Using family as a model for public life produces an unrealistic, even destructive definition of community. It would appear, at least from the recent obsession with forcing welfare mothers to work, that one value assumed to be passed on to children in the traditional family but not in a single mother family is the work ethic. However, the family values rhetoric on the issue of work is flawed in many ways. First of all, that rhetoric assumes that those who do not have jobs are unemployed because they simply lack the desire to work.

The reality is that there are simply not enough jobs for all of the people who want to work. This of course is not accidental -- many scholars have noted that the stability of our capitalist society requires the existence of a certain amount of unemployment. Many marginalized people in this society work at the only kinds of jobs that are available to them: jobs that are temporary, low-paying, off-the-books or illegal. Regina Austin has described the strength and persistence of the work ethic among some of the most dispossessed members of the society:.

Consider the youngsters employed in the urban crack trade. They are hardly shiftless and lazy leisure seekers. Many of them are as much Ronald Reagan's children, as much "yuppies," as the young urban professionals with whom the term is usually associated. Their commitment to the work ethic is incredible; they endure miserable working conditions, including long hours, exposure to the elements, beatings and shootings, mandatory abstinence from drugs and low pay relative to their superiors. Because of child care responsibilities, many single mothers on AFDC do not work. However, many do, earning unreported income in a variety of marginal jobs, often in the underground economy.

They and their children survive by their ability to find ways to supplement the minimal money they receive from welfare. It must not be forgotten that the value we attribute to work is not, in any sense, an absolute. It is, instead, like the question of what constitutes a family, a value that is contingent upon perspective or standpoint. Work is valued in accordance with who does it and who it is done for. In a patriarchal system, the value of work is construed in accordance with what is valued under patriarchy. Thus, we have the obvious fact that in this society, market work is valued more highly than domestic labor in the home; a fact that becomes very clear when married couples divorce and women who have played the traditional role of homemaker often find themselves newly impoverished.

The question of hierarchies with respect to the value of work is more complex than a mere comparison between market and domestic labor. Attitudes toward what domestic women do in their homes are also profoundly affected by both sexism and racism. Let us take the example of two women, neither of whom has held a job in her adult life. The other woman never married but ended up having three children and being on public assistance. Both women have been out of the workforce caring for their children for the past several years. In one case, the husband has now decided to leave the marriage. In the other case, the government has decided to take severe measures against women on public assistance to force them into workfare programs.

It is likely that people would be sympathetic to the privileged woman. They would see it as a noble thing for an educated middle-class woman to forego career opportunities in order to stay home and care for her children. They would be concerned about the likely precipitous decline in her economic circumstances, about her loss of status, and about possible resulting psychological harm. They would feel that she should be retrained for a job that has long term potential for financial and personal growth. On the other hand, many people would feel that the mother on public assistance is lazy and should take any job.

Race also impacts upon the way in which we choose to value or not to value work. I have argued elsewhere that the work of parenting by black mothers is devalued in the controversy over transracial adoption. In that context, the complexity of the childrearing work performed by black parents is underappreciated. Indeed, there is frequently an underlying assumption that black parents are inadequate to raise black children, while whites are assumed competent to parent both white and black children.

It continues to be troubling that all too often upper-middle-class feminists devote substantial effort to developing the argument that housework should be highly valued in the context of the divorce of an upper-middle-class woman, without addressing the troubling fact that successful professional women often pay low wages to the women, often women of color, who perform similar domestic labor for them in their homes. As discussed earlier, the family values rhetoric conveniently ignores the fact that the family can also be the site for learning negative values.

One negative value that can be learned in a family, whether there is one parent there or two, is racism. While most black parents in this country would probably agree that it is important that families teach children values such as honesty, hard work, and respect for others, black parents also understand that black children must learn much more than the values of the white majority. In raising their children, black parents generally employ and pass on a "double consciousness," 62 in which the values that seem to be promoted in the larger society must be evaluated at two levels -- first a general level, and then a second level which takes into account the reality of racism and minority status. An uncritical and unreflective acceptance of traditional values can affect black families differently than white families: because of racism, blacks have less of an opportunity to live their lives in accordance with the mainstream ideal.

Historian Elizabeth Pleck has argued, for example, that in northern cities in the nineteenth century, the adoption of mainstream values by blacks often promoted marital dissolution because racial discrimination against black men made traditional values, such as the male as the economically powerful breadwinner, unrealistic guides to family life. A recent study indicated that the black men most likely to leave their families when faced with unemployment were those who subscribed most firmly to the idea of the male as breadwinner During slavery, when black people created families that were neither acknowledged nor protected by the law, 65 black families had to create their own family values.

Perhaps most importantly, they had to teach their children to value themselves in a society whose message was that they were not valued and had no values. The acceptance of single motherhood is one example of the ways in which black families and communities sometimes created independent moral meaning. Thus, while the nonmarital mother has long been the object of intense stigma in the larger society, many scholars have noted that black unwed mothers have never suffered the same outcast status in black communities as white women have in white communities. The challenge of life in a racist society still requires that black people create and pass on to their children oppositional values. Angela Harris and Patricia Hill Collins have written eloquently of the way in which black women have to create a positive self in the midst of a white world in which they are consistently devalued.

A powerful example of the challenge confronting black parents can be found in Suzanne Carothers' study of the transmission of values between mothers and daughters in a southern black community. One woman in the study thus describes her political socialization in a racially segregated society:. My sister and I were somewhat awed of white people because when we were growing up, we did not have to deal with them in our little environment. I mean you just didn't have to because we went to an all-black school, an all-black church, and lived in an all-black neighborhood. We just didn't deal with them. If you did, it was a clerk in a store. Grandmother was dealing with them.

And little by little she showed us how. First, [she taught us that] you do not fear them. I'll always remember that. Just because their color may be different and they may think differently, they are just people. The way she did it was by taking us back and forth downtown with her. Here she is, a lady who cleans up peoples' kitchens. She comes into a store to spend her money. She could cause complete havoc if she felt she wasn't being treated properly. She'd say things like, "If you don't have it in the store, order it. We'd just be standing there and watching. But what she was trying to say [to us] was, they will ignore you if you let them. If you walk in there to spend your 15 cents, and you're not getting proper service, raise hell, carry on, call the manager, but don't let them ignore you.

Although this excerpt deals with the simple, everyday family experience of shopping, it provides a powerful example of the way in which black women teach their children a crucial value -- to values themselves. It is also significant that this lesson is being taught by a person of little formal education or financial means, demonstrating that affluence and education are not prerequisites for good parenting -- lessons about values and about life can be taught in many ways.

Finally, in this example, the person teaching the lesson is the grandmother -- a woman. This serves to remind us that the values that need to be taught can be taught regardless of the gender of the teacher, or of the learner. The discussion in the preceding section argues that with respect to some issues, black mothers have to socialize their children to have values that are in opposition to those of the larger society. Black mothers understand, for example, that the enemy is racism and that their children have to be taught to struggle against it.

Similarly, with respect to issues of public policy, most blacks clearly define the problem as racism. However, when feminists consider what kind of influence they would like to have in the arena of family policy, it is not always clear what it is they perceive to be the subordinating factor against which they must struggle. It is not difficult to observe that in most of the public discussion about family values, the voices are male and not female. Obviously, this can be partly attributed to the fact that those who are in power have the power to decide which voices and perspectives they will include, and which they will ignore. But attention must also be paid to the role of feminists in this silence.

To what extent have feminists sought to be heard in this debate? Do most middle- and upper-middle-class feminists really oppose the current efforts to curtail public assistance for poor women? For example, in terms of women's economic well-being over the long run, to what extent is it appropriate for women to rely on the family their husbands , the market their jobs , the state, or some combination of these?

Clearly, if feminists wish to make permanent long-term changes with respect to the position of women in this society they face the challenge of creating new values with respect to gender and passing these values on to their children -- both male and female. But it is not so clear what the values are that feminists would wish to pass on to their children. An easy answer would be to say general ideas of gender equality. But the deeper we probe, the more complex this issue becomes. What are the specific values that feminists wish to pass on to their children about the structure of the family?

Are feminists willing to say that the enemy is patriarchy? And if so, what exactly does this mean, both as a theoretical and a practical matter? Martha Fineman has noted the reluctance of feminist legal theorists to explore and truly critique the role of patriarchy in family law. It may be that at a subliminal level, many women accept the idea that male dominance is prevalent in nature and so it is natural for men to be dominant in the family. It may be that some scholars fear that challenges to patriarchy may focus attention on their own lives and they may be thought of as lonely, unhappy women who denounce patriarchy only because they lack satisfying male companionship.

Clearly, some women have an affirmative personal stake in the continuation of patriarchy. This will continue to be true as long as men are economically dominant in the society, and attachment to affluent men provides women with a route to economic privilege. A reluctance to challenge patriarchy in the family is an issue that has consequences in the family values controversy. For example, feminists may argue that families headed by single mothers should not be stigmatized, but we should question whether single mothers will ever be on the same plane as married mothers in a patriarchal society.

As long as women are validated by their attachments to men, 79 and women accept the resulting hierarchies, single mothers are unlikely to be accorded the same respect as mothers who are married. Are feminists really ready to put single mother families on the same plane as traditional families? This question seems more easily answered with respect to relationships outside of the home, such as employment relationships. But relationships inside of the home pose more difficult questions. Obviously, opposing patriarchy within the family must mean more than a less gendered division of domestic responsibilities. Developing an analysis of patriarchy in the family is a challenge not only for those women who have benefited from it, but also for those women who have not.

Thus, patriarchy is a complex issue for black feminists. Black women are painfully aware that, for many blacks, the nuclear family with its patriarchal pattern has never been an option because of the racism that has limited the economic opportunities of black men. Challenging the desirability of patriarchy in the family can be difficult for black women because it may be hard to give up what the larger society seems to value, especially if you have never been permitted to have it. It is not surprising that much of the discourse about the black family by notable black male scholars, such as William Julius Wilson, supports the notion of shoring up the black family as a patriarchal institution.

But, as numerous feminists scholars have already argued, the solution to the problems confronting black families is not simply to "put black men in charge. The task of simultaneously addressing racism and patriarchy is undoubtedly complex, 84 but the work must begin by accepting new forms of family for families of all races. Statistics clearly have shown that many people no longer live in the traditional nuclear family and the number of births to unmarried women has risen among all races. It is the image of the "lazy welfare mother who breeds children at the expense of the taxpayers in order to increase the amount of her welfare check" 86 that is used to sell programs to the public that will adversely affect women.

Indeed, as Patricia Hill Collins has noted, the way society treats black women serves as a warning to white women. She points out that the negative stereotype of the black matriarch is "a powerful symbol of what can go wrong if the white patriarchal power is challenged. Aggressive, assertive women are penalized; they are abandoned by their men, and end up impoverished and stigmatized as being unfeminine. In their desire to defend the choices of upper-middle-class women to become single mothers, some feminists have argued, and indeed are seeking to demonstrate empirically, that well-educated, mature, middle-class women are successfully raising children without men.

Although a challenge to the stereotype of single women as inadequate parental role models is crucial, a challenge limited to asserting the adequacy of upper-middle-class women poses a danger that these women will distance themselves from the circumstances of younger, poorer, less educated single mothers. Should this occur, it would have troubling symbolic and practical implications. It would suggest that these women are seeking to distance themselves from the negative images associated with black single mothers, and perhaps the negative images associated with black women in general. Second, it would have troubling implications for the role feminists might play, and the positions they might take regarding issues of critical importance to a wider range of single mothers such as welfare and other social programs that benefit the children of the poor.

It is important that those middle-class women whose voices are more likely to be heard in the debate over redefinition of the family not create a new hegemonic narrative of motherhood in which there are good nonmarital mothers who are middle-class, white and well-educated, and bad nonmarital mothers, who are poor, black, uneducated and possibly drug addicted or HIV-positive.

Such divisions along lines of class and race would be disastrous. What must happen instead is that women must seek commonalties that will support the development of coalitions between women of different races and classes. The question of whether middle-class women would be willing to work in support of the interests of poor women and their children raises the question of how middle- and upper-middle-class women really feel about poor women having children outside of marriage. The extent that the law supports the right of women to bear children outside of marriage is not yet clear, 89 but middle-class feminists need to think about how they feel about this issue as a matter of policy.

Feminist scholars have explored the question of choice in the context of decisions women make regarding whether to give priority to their families or to their careers. The reasons women might choose to have children outside of marriage vary. It may be in part, as Martha Fineman suggests, a resistance to patriarchal ideology. Single motherhood may be chosen where there are few potential marriage partners.

What are the implications for feminist theory of the issue of choice? Certainly one question it raises is whether women in a position to shape feminist thinking believe that all women have an equal right to choose to become mothers regardless of their economic circumstances. Certainly women have chosen to become mothers with the knowledge that their children might have a handicapping physical condition. Their decisions have generally been regarded as a matter of personal choice. Are feminists willing to take the same position with respect to women whose children are likely to be severely economically disadvantaged? Some middle- or upper-middle-class women probably feel that they make decisions about how many children they will bear in part as a response to their financial circumstances, and poor women should be expected to do the same.

However, for upper-middle-class women, the choice with respect to the number of children they will bear is often dependent upon the presence and amount of a husband's income. Once again, this raises the issue of patriarchy and the need for further analysis of the implications of that institution for the family and for relationships between women. The need for middle-class women to become active with respect to issues that appear to disproportionately affect poor women is not simply an ethical issue -- it is an issue of practical importance.

The assault on economic support provided to poor women raising children alone presages an assault on middle-class financial entitlements such as social security and educational loans. Similarly, the attack on the reproductive decisions of poor women cannot be separated from the current assault on the reproductive decisions of women at all levels in the society. The government needs to abandon its quest to restore the primacy of the traditional family in the hope that it will restore the "good old days.

For many blacks the majoritarian values of earlier days meant lynchings, riding in the back of the bus and being subject to any number of other acts of violence and indignity. For women it meant being subject to domestic violence and the denial of educational and employment opportunities. The world is clearly better now for blacks and women, but the world is also becoming increasingly complex.

Effective public policy must be developed in order to meet the challenges of changing demographics and values. These policies must address the problems of racism, poverty, and patriarchy. Certainly the immediate goal must be to improve the conditions that confront children growing up in the poorest of families. This means, of course, preventing so-called "welfare reform" from taking away from poor families the economic means that ensures their day-to-day survival.

In addition to providing some guaranteed income, policies must be developed and implemented to improve the health and education of poor children. In seeking to address racism, there must be vigorous enforcement of anti-discrimination laws as well as a reinvigoration of affirmative action. Women must be afforded opportunities to make choices about employment, about children, and about other aspects of their lives. Rather than longing for the "good old days," romanticizing the idea of family, and seeking to impose one set of values on everyone, the focus of the government should be on trying to develop policies that will create a just society where people can make their own choices about the most personal aspects of their lives.

An abbreviated and different version will be published in a book of the proceedings of that conference. The New Jersey legislature recently eliminated the increase in AFDC benefits as a result of the birth of additional children. Under the Federal Personal Responsibility Act, states would be forbidden by the Federal Government from providing welfare payments to any child born to an unmarried woman under eighteen-years-old. The preamble to the Act states that the purpose of the Act is to "restore the American family, reduce illegitimacy, control welfare spending and reduce welfare dependence.

Pol'y , Leon Higginbotham, Jr. Women's L. Metropolitan Areas, 12 Urb. Geography , , discussing impact of the restructuring of the U. S economy on black male unemployment. When black men are employed they earn much less money than white men. Bureau of the Census, U. Dep't of Commerce, Current Population Rep. William Julius Wilson has observed that "[p]erhaps the most important factor in the rise of black female headed families [is] the extraordinary rise in black male joblessness. Darity, Jr. Myers, Jr. Print See David E. Rosenbaum, Welfare: Who Gets It? How Much Does It Cost? Times, March 23, , at A Some conservatives have begun to argue that there is a genetic component to the likelihood of certain people becoming welfare recipients.

See Richard J. See generally Robert E. According to statistics, It is true that recipients of AFDC are disproportionately black. Rosenbaum, supra note 29, at A See also Daniel P. Moynihan, Defining Deviancy Down, 62 Am. Scholar 17 expressing the concern that the birth patterns of white Americans are starting to approximate those of black families thirty years ago. Feenstra, U. State, S. Post, May 21, , at A1. Times, May 11, , at A Dowd, Stigmatizing Single Parents, 18 Harv. The point is to enforce the work ethic. Another writer put it differently, stating that "[t]he link between female headship and welfare dependency in the urban underclass is also well established, leading to legitimate concerns about the intergenerational transfer of poverty.

At the root of this concern is the paucity of employment among welfare mothers and how this affects attitudes of their children toward work. Beyond a New Theory of Alimony, 82 Geo. See Twila L. Change 33 [hereinafter Transracial Adoption] arguing that positions in favor of transracial adoption are often premised on the assumption that whites provide superior parenting skills. See generally Angela Y.

See also Frances Aboud, Children and Prejudice discussing actions and attitudes of parents that are associated with racial prejudice in children. Dubois, The Souls of Black Folk 6 Wade, the decisions of black women to keep their nonmarital children rather than to place them for adoption and the support this decision had from families and the community ; Regina Austin, Sapphire Bound!

In the other case, the government has decided to What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary severe measures against women on public assistance to force them into Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System Case Study programs. Using research like study done by Martin-Merino et. More complex systems can have many contributors What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary intransparence. The What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary section explores some of the What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary with focusing on Giovanni Boccaccios The Renaissance Man family values as a solution to Megalithic Tombs problems. The natural stance for the What Role Does Technology Play In Claudias Case Summary is Was Malcolm X Unjust all Open RAN specifications must be allowed to compete on a level-playing field, without distorting interventions like discriminatory subsidies or government technology mandates.

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