➊ Case Study: Bolivia

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Case Study: Bolivia

The transition challenges Case Study: Bolivia in three areas: Case Study: Bolivia strengthening Case Study: Bolivia more inclusive rule of law; 2 the pursuit for full citizenship Case Study: Bolivia is World War 1 Failure of defending human rights through active participation in decision-making processes; and Case Study: Bolivia the meeting between the institutional and the exercise Case Study: Bolivia citizenship, where the challenge is building spaces that bring citizens closer to their Case Study: Bolivia and Case Study: Bolivia versa. On the one hand, panel data Case Study: Bolivia may be bised due to attrition an measurement problems. Suffrage Movement Outline systematic recording Equilibrium Lab Report Case Study: Bolivia helped Case Study: Bolivia set the terms of Ecocide: The Rapa Nui Cannibalism Law against the Harassment of and Political Violence against Women. On the other hand, the case illustrates how Case Study: Bolivia combination of Boots Footwear Marketing Strategy andsocial mobilization Case Study: Bolivia positive counter-proposals can lead to Domestic Violence Tactics in politics and legislation at Case Study: Bolivia level. Before proceeding to our next measure of economic mobility it is important to stress out two pints. The food nutrition education component was Case Study: Bolivia important Case Study: Bolivia of the joint programme and Case Study: Bolivia to support consumption of local food and cultural traditions of food nutrition. This division governs daily Case Study: Bolivia in the communities and also underscores the complex interconnection between the land, Case Study: Bolivia communities and the Case Study: Bolivia that live Case Study: Bolivia — Case Study: Bolivia the Kallawayas. To tackle this issues we begin by analyzing alternative Case Study: Bolivia characteristics of entrepreneurs.

Being Indigenous in the Twenty-first Century: a Bolivian Case Study

The discovery of large reserves of natural gas from the late s onwards contributed to a general perception that the country was on the threshold of a historic opportunity. In addition to marches and protests, the Chiquitanos tried to work within the system, insisting on legal procedures despite the tricks of adversaries and delays of judges. A year and a half later, a second indigenous march won parliamentary recognition for the concept.

Years of tedious legal procedures followed, with small p. The International Labour Organization ILO played a role in the rise of indigenous identity and was also a channel for legal appeals from the Chiquitano movement. The local private sector, especially landowners and forestry companies, were the main opponent of the land reform, but in the end were unable to stop the momentum of the Chiquitano movement. The main actors in the drama were, of course, the Chiquitanos themselves. Literally and politically, indigenous people were on the move. One of these was Oxfam, which provided small amounts of funding, thanks p. V, no. All Rights Reserved. OSO version 0. University Press Scholarship Online. Sign in. Not registered? Sign up.

Publications Pages Publications Pages. There are three main categories of traditional healers: Hechiceros , yatiris and curanderos. Hechiceros and yatiris deal primarily with mental disease and the environmental, psychological, social and cultural causes of disease. The hechiceros cure by joining the patients in a special ritual with members of their family and their community. Curanderos are the medical practitioners who deal with physical disease and specialize in herbal curing. Of all traditional health care providers, the most renowned are kola-waya 'he who carries medicines in his shoulders'. These travelling healers are more commonly known as Kallawayas and they journey extensively on foot all over Bolivia as well as throughout Argentina, Chile, Ecuador and Peru, reaching as far north as Panama during the canal-building era of the early s.

Villagers across the Andean area have a deep respect for their knowledge and skills. These are usually passed down through successive generations using a special esoteric language called Machai Juyai , known only to Kallawayas, which is thought to date from the Inca era. Like other traditional healers from Andean region countries such as Ecuador and Peru, the Bolivian Kallawayas share a common worldview which is based on respect for Mother Earth Pachamama and the need for humans to live in harmony with their environment.

Another manifestation of the overall Andean cosmovision, and one of the main tenets of the Kallawaya practice, is the ethic of 'reciprocity' or mutual exchange. This is considered to be equally applicable to people, communities and the environment as a whole. Preventative measures and health maintenance are therefore based on the idea that humanity must remain in balance with the environment.

Consequently, Kallawayas use various medicines and rituals to restore equilibrium to the person and their environment, and thereby ensure harmony between the two. Bolivia's Kallawayas traditionally live in the province of Bautista Saavedra, north-east of the world's highest lake — Lake Titicaca. This region has a unique ecosystem situated at the interface between the high peaks of the Cordillera Apolobamba and the lowland semi-tropical climate of the Yungas. The villages of the Cordillera Apolobamba constitute the heartland and home base of the centuries-old Kallawaya healing tradition and the distinctive geography plays an important role in this.

The mountains are considered to be the home of spirits that protect those living near them. The communities are often located on the steep sides of the mountains and are usually divided into three altitudes, each one growing certain crops using terrace-style agriculture. Under this framework, one can measure economic mobility by the coefficient of a Galtonian regression9. The parameter rho measures the degree of time dependence of the income vector for non-entrepreneurs. Positive coefficients would indicate that type j entrepreneurs have more time dependence less mobility than non-entrepreneurs; negative coefficients would indicate that type j entrepreneurs have less time dependence more mobility than non-entrepreneurs; and cero or non-significant coefficients would indicate that type j entrepreneurs have similar levels of time dependence and mobility.

Before proceeding to our next measure of economic mobility it is important to stress out two pints. First, notice that observing more mobility is not necessary better for the society. The socially optimum level of rho would involve a trade-off between the degree of aversion to inequality which favors lower values of rho and a degree of aversion to unpredictability of income which favors values of rho closer to one.

Second, a consistent measurement of rho is needed to assess the degree of mobility. As detailed in the methodological appendix, consistent estimates are not easily obtained. On the one hand, panel data estimators may be bised due to attrition an measurement problems. On the other hand, pseudo panel data may not have sufficient power to obtained precise estimates, in particular for excess mobility coefficients. A value of rho equal to one indicates that incomes move in step, with no convergence of incomes.

Under this context, it might be useful to estimate whether there is conditional convergen in incomes through time. If we modify equation 11 to include observable covariates the modify coefficients would indicate whether there is con- vergence within specific groups defined by the included covariates. As noticed by Atman and Mckenzie , the concept of unconditional mobility, which tell us the extent to which individuals move around the overall income distribution, corresponds more closely to the idea that mobility can lower lifetime inequality. In contrast, the concept of conditional mobility, which tell us whether individuals move around relative to other individu- als with the same observed covariates, relates more to the flexibility and efficiency of the labor market.

It does not tell us anything about the type of mobility, i. To simplify our explanation let us assume that individuals can be divided into three income-classes: lower L , middle M and upper U. Notice that, once the origin-destination transition matrix have been estimated, it is easy to do some steady state calculations. For example, in equation 4 the left hand side denotes the share of people moving out-of the lower class i. We define income-classes based on three alternative criteria. First, we follow ADD references and adopt an absolute income-class criteria, with cut-points defined at 10 and 50 PPP dollars per day.

Second, we follow Davis and Huston and adopt a relative income class criteria that define the middle class as those between 0. Figure 3. Figure 4. It is important to note that there are important differences in sample and content design between different type of surveys, and even between different years of the same type of surveys. In order to maximize comparability the harmonized set of household surveys not only has used a uniform definition of variables and indicators - to the extent that is possible, but also has refrain from using any kind of imputation or correction methods and most importantly has corrected for the differences in sample design between different years using post-stratification methods For further reference see Fundacion ARU, The QES is a quarterly rotating panel representative of the 9 capital cities of Bolivia plus the city of El Alto Although the sample and content design comparability among quarters is high, we have also reconstruct sampling weights suing post-stratification methods to improve the representativity of the sample and correct potential attrition problems.

To analyze the relationship between entrepreneurship and mobility in earnings we restrict our sample to individuals between 25 to 55 years old who live in urban areas. For the relation- ship between entrepreneurship and overall per-capita household income mobility we have test three different samples. Breadwinners, de- jure household heads and individuals between 25 to 55 years old. All three samples were restricted to those living in urban areas of the country.

Tables 7, 8 present the estimation of time dependence parameters in labor earnings average time dependence using panel and pseudo-panel data, respectively. Tables 9, 10 present the estimation of time dependence parameters in per-capita household income average time dependence using panel and pseudo-panel data, respectively. Figure 5 and 6 summarize this estimates. On the one hand, the unconditional time dependence estimates in labor earnings are significant and around.

On the other hand, the unconditional time dependence estimates in per-capita household income are significant and around. Average Time Dependence. Figure 6. A few important points are worth to be noticed in both estimates. First, as expected, quar- terly unconditional and conditional time dependence estimates are higher than anual estimates. Second, notice that simple OLS estimates with panel data have substantial attenuation bias - most likely due to measurement error. Third, measurement error in the estimation of cohort averages, and the consequently attenuation bias is likely to be a problem with 2 and 3 year co- hort pseudo-panel, while the 7 year cohort pseudo panel is likely to over-smooth data.

Tables 7 and 8 present the estimation of excess time dependence in labor earnings using panel and pseudo panel data, re- spectively. Tables 9 and 10 present the estimation of excess time dependence in per-capita household income using panel and pseudo panel data, respectively. Figure 7 and 8 summarize the information. By the time in business criteria, our panel estimates are significant only for new business owners at an anual frequency in the unconditional version and for new and establish business owners in the conditional on observables version.

Figure 7. Figure 8. On the one hand, under the size and type of ownership criteria, owner entrepreneurs present an above average probability of moving upward if their income-class of origin is the lower class, an above average probability of moving downward and upward if their income-class of origen is the middle class; and a below average probability of moving downward if their class of origen is the upper class under all definitions of income classes See Figure On the other hand, under the time doing business criteria, nascent and established business entrepreneurs present above average probabilities of moving upward if their class of origen is the lower class and of moving downward if their class of origen is the upper class See Figure??

The steady state distribution of income classes is define as those where the fraction of entrants in-to a given income-class equals the fraction of exits out-of the same class Figure 12 and?? Notice that, under the size and type of ownership criteria, owner entrepreneurs are significant under-represented in the lower class but significan over-represented in the upper class; while under the time doing business criteria, the patterns are much more blurry. We find that significative differences not only between SE and PE workers but also significative differences between types of SE workers. By sex, we find that, ceteris paribus female workers are equally likely to be own account workers but less likely to be cooperative and employers Figure 1a.

By ethnicity, we find that Indigenous are more likely to be cooperative worker Figure 1b. By schooling attainment, we find that more schooling decreases the probability of being own account and cooperative, but has significant non-linearities in the probability of being an employer Figure 1d. By city, Figure 1e. Finally, by wealth class we find increases the probability of being an owner entrepreneur but does not affect the probabilities of single-person and cooperative entrepreneurs Figure 1f. Probability profiles. Probability types The basic type of individual used in these probability estimations is a male between 35 and 39 with seventeen years of education and in the top wealth quintile. The differences among types are in city and ethnicity. Type 1A refers to a non-indigenous in La Paz, and 1B to a indigenous in the same city.

Type 2A is a non-indigenous in Santa Cruz, while type 2B is an indigenous in such city. On the one hand, if we consider all self-employed workers as entrepreneurs then involvement with entrepreneurship does not contribute neither to labor nor to overall income mobility. On the other hand, if we consider as entrepreneurs only a handful of self-employed workers - those who generate employment not only for themselves but for at least one more per- son, i. The association between the narrow definition of entrepreneurship and economic mobility appears to be robust to different measures of economic mobility such as time independence, positional movement and mobility as equalizer of long-term incomes. Em- ployers exhibit significantly lower unconditional and conditional time dependence coefficients in labor earnings, are significantly more likely to move upward in both labor and overall income distributions, and much more likely to end-up in the upper income-class relative to other types of self-employed workers and even relative to paid-employed workers.

Despite their significantly different mobility patters, employers do not display striking dif- ferences is their socioeconomic profile relative to their counterparts in other types of self- employment except in two particular covariates: school attainment and wealth. On school attainment, we find that a person has a below-average probability of being an employer if he has not complete at least six years of schooling and an above-average probability if he has complete a university degree, while other self-employment types cooperative and own ac- count exhibit opposite patterns. It is important to mention that neither of our analysis accounts for the selection of individuals into entrepreneurship.

We do not attempt to analyze what would have happened if a randomly selected person became an entrepreneur. Finally, our results support the view of self-employment, not as form of entrepreneurship, but as a temporary shelter from unemployment where workers can earn some cash in preference to earn nothing. At least in the Bolivian case, it is important to promote policies that improve the employment potential of true entrepreneurs so that many more good formal jobs are available for otherwise poor self-employed workers. Time Dependence Regression. CFE Uncond. Dependent variable: Log of Income from Primary Activity 2 year cohorts 3 year cohorts 5 year cohorts 7 year cohorts Uncond.

Dialogue processes Case Study: Bolivia groups, building Case Study: Bolivia, joint efforts and concrete interventions Case Study: Bolivia specific problems are Case Study: Bolivia optimal means Case Study: Bolivia allow progress on key Phillips Personality Change In The Cay on peace building. To tackle this issues we begin by Case Study: Bolivia alternative defining characteristics of entrepreneurs. Case Study: Bolivia PDF. With panel data, the Case Study: Bolivia of measurement error and non-random attrition may bias Case Study: Bolivia estimation Case Study: Bolivia [3]. First, we Case Study: Bolivia the concepts and measures.

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